Jury Drakakhrust

Although Poland and Belarus obtained independence and got rid of Communism historically almost at the same time, an entire abyss could be seen between the processes, taking place in the countries. It was this abyss that determined further paths of development of Belarus and Poland.
A large part of Polish citizens was engaged in the Polish Anti-Communist revolution of 1980 – 1989 this way or another. Nearly 25% of adult population of Poland participated in the “Solidarity” TU activities in its better times. The Polish process resulted from self-development of Polish society. Actually, Poland was a good example and a generator of the global Communist system collapse.
Unlike in Poland, the revolutionary processes in Belarus were mainly caused and induced by the processes and the crisis situation in the USSR at that time.
Undoubtedly, the Belarusian political opposition in general and the Belarusian Popular Front in particular played an immense role in gaining independence and ruining the Communist system in Belarus. However, it looks like this role was generally related to the processes. However it had nothing to do with their gist. Belarus could hardly obtain its independence and get rid of the domineering Communist party without the prior general collapse of Communism in the USSR (firstly, in Russia) as well as without a strong pro-independence movement in the Baltic and Caucasian Soviet republics as well as in Ukraine.
Several telling arguments can be presented in support of this point of view. All former Soviet republics obtained independence in the final run and all of them got rid of Communism. These processes took place even in Turkmenistan, where no opposition could be found at all then. Much less people were engaged in the Belarusian revolution of 1989 – 1991 (if it could be named like that) in comparison with similar events in Poland, the Baltic States, and Ukraine.
Actually, it was the degree of participation of nations in their self-liberation that pre-conditioned the further course of events. The independence and collapse of Communism came to the Belarusian people like a bolt from the blue. The thesis is proved true by Lukashenka’s coming into power in 1994, dangerous integration games with Russia that could be seen even before Lukashenka’s presidency, as well as the appearance of a quazi-Soviet authoritarian system in the country.
It should be noted that the Polish anti-Communist revolution had certain peculiar features that couldn’t be noticed in any other Central European or former Soviet state. Among other, the unprecedented number of workers took active part in the anti-Communist movement in Poland. By the way, this participation of non-intellectuals won additional sympathy for the Polish revolution in Belarus. The workers’ manifestations in Miensk and other Belarusian cities in April 1991 determined a possibility of similar revolutionary actions in Belarus. However, the workers’ upheavals didn’t lead to any political consequences in Belarus.
Despite the downfall to the authoritarian pit that might have been inevitable, there should be noted a number of positive events that tool place in Belarus during the years of indepenence and even during the period of time under Lukashenka’s rule.

Firstly, the institutes of an independent state were established. It is possible to argue as for their efficiency indeed. Still, we should recollect the situation of 1991, when it wasn’t quite clear if the Belarusians would be able to create them at all. Although the Belarusian economy is still quite dependent on the Russian vecctor, re-direction of nearly 50% of Belarusian export to the West proves true that the institutions of the independent Belarusian state have been gradually established or being established in this field as well.
The process of forming the national and state identity has been much more complicated in Belarus though. The classical cultural and ethnical national model has been accepted by a comparatively small circle of people. The national identity of the overwhelming majority of Belarusian citizens is grounded on the experience of quazi-statehood of Belarusian Soviet Socialist Republic. Paradoxically, it is also based on the notion of distancing from the present-day capitalist and oligarchic Russia. The Belarusian model has kept fidelity to the common Socialist past instead.
This basement seems to be quite vague. It looks especially unsteady from the Polish point of view, as the national identity in Poland was formed in a competely different way. However, this fundament appears to be quite solid for the Belarusian society to counteract to the challenges of complicated relations with Russia.
In my opinion, an interesting resemblance of Belarus and Poland should be emphasized. It is worth mentioning that only Belarus and Poland had “folk tsars” – Lech Walesa and Alaksandr Lukashenka in the post-Communist period. These leaders were connected neither with the intellectual circles, nor with the Communist elite. They represented the lowest social layers.
Being one of the largest countries in the region with strong and attractive culture, rather high level of economic development and having very close historical links with neighbours, Poland has been tending to gain leadership in the region as well as to become an advocate and tutor for its post-Soviet neighbours.
It should be emphasized that the Belarusian people assess quite positively the economic achievements of Poland in comparison with Belarus and other neighboring states. It can be clearly seen from the results of surveys, carried out by the Independent Institute of Socio-Economic and Political Research.
Table 1. Evolution of replies on the question: “What is the standard of living in the neighboring states”, %
Versions of replies     Better than in Belarus     Like in Belarus     Worse than in Belarus
03′05    04′06    08′06    06′09    03′05    04′06    08′06    06′09    03′05    04′06    08′06    06′09
In Poland     63.1    50.8    46.2    59.7    15.2    26.0    22.5    21.1    2.9    11.4    14.9    6.3
In Latvia     47.6    39.7    34.1    38.7    19.1    26.3    23.3    25.5    6.4    18.0    21.9    16.8
In Lithuania     45.7    36.8    33.1    39.5    20.8    27.3    25.0    26.6    6.2    20.0    21.9    14.7
In Russia    28.9    24.6    21.2    39.6    40.4    40.7    44.6    38.2    15.9    28.1    23.6    15.0
In Ukraine     11.2    10.9    8.4    16.5    30.9    26.0    29.3    25.8    41.6    56.1    50.6    50.4

Moreover, it should be added that the Poles are quite close ethnically and culturally to the Belarusians. Being second to the Russians, the Poles are holding nearly the same position with the Ukrainians. (Rf.: http://www.iiseps.org/4-06-5.html).
However, it appears that possibilities of the Polish influence on Belarus have natural restrictions that the Poles disregard sometimes. Actually, despite the evident close relations between the Belarusians and the Poles, these two nations are absolutely different as far as the typology is concerned. According to the Belarusian researcher Yury Shautsou, the Belarusian national identity shows itself instead of manifesting itself. Just on the contrary, the Polish national identity is clearly and over-demonstratively outlined.
These two peoples differ as for their attitude towards Russia. Simply saying, Russia and the Russian people are alien to the Poles and close to the Belarusians as far as the civilizational aspect is concerned. It causes the existence of the Belarusian national geopolitical map of the world that differs considerably from the Polish one. Even the pro-European part of Belarusian population does not treat Poland as a good example and a tutor on the European identity. Certainly, there are some minor groups that support the Polish background. However, they appear to be quite limited and lacking positive perspective of development because of the difference of their cultural code with the cultural code of the majority in Belarus.
Table 2. Division of replies to the question: “What group of countries should Belarus take its cue from, should it become an EU member state?”, % (May 2006)

Варыянт адказу    %
The “old” continental EU member-states – Germany, France, Spain and other    41.4
The “new” EU member-states – Poland, Lithuania, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Slovakia and other     12.9
The United Kingdom     5.1

Surprisingly, the Belarusians feel more comfortably with the distant Germans than with the culturally close Poles. Actually, a well-grounded hypothesis can be advanced that as soon as the political situation changes in Belarus and its people make a decisive pro-European choice, the country will not join the “new” Europe group of Eastern and Central European states. Paradoxically, it may become an outpost of the “old” continental Europe in the east.
Apparently, Poland could broaden more successfully its influence in Belarus as the motherland of “Solidarity” with its ideals of equality and justice instead of playing the role of the EU advocate in the country.